November 25, 2009

游走於邊緣的,族群 P / Kenny Chun-kan Leung

初夏的下午其實悶熱得很。拭去衣領邊打轉的汗水,將原來提著的書揣在懷裡,瞥瞥門牌沒錯是九零七室但門卻關得嚴嚴一如封在某洞穴外的巨石。明明不過遲了幾分鐘,於旁人不過爾爾的幾分鐘,為何課堂彷彿已經開始很久了一般呢。將耳朵湊近課室的門,隱約傳來一把男聲,略帶沙啞。就稀奇。課不是由一個初出茅廬的女教授上的嗎。為何會換成一個男生。再瞥瞥門牌沒錯是九零七室。於是起勁推開厚重但冷如薄冰的門。課室竟然幾乎座無虛席。就稀奇。彷彿好些從未上課的同學,又甚至未曾存在過於這空間的人都一併出現。隨便鑽到死角,瞥見僅存的空位就坐下。前面果然是個年輕男子,在口沫橫飛。那男子約莫二十多歲,該是畢業不久的青年,穿淺綠色的恤衫,深棕色筆直長褲。頭髮長及披肩,並隨著男子改變站立姿勢而左右晃動。天花偌大的電風扇不住轉動,攪拌著死悶凝固的空氣。

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我,作為 B 城文化研究小組的一員,致力尋找、分析這座城市內僅存的城市文化,並,流動人群跟城市的互動關係。小組前身為 B 城本土文化行動理論小隊,後因意見分歧而分裂,一如城內其他團體。小隊如細胞二元分裂成兩小組,一為爭取保存本土文化的小組,以諸如堵塞公路跟破壞公共設施一類對社會無重大影響的街頭抗爭作為行動的資本。另一小組分裂就成為文化研究小組,專注於以文化理論的框架加諸於各類文化產物的研究。就本小組而言,文化理論基本分成三大類。一為受馬克斯主義 (Karl Marx) 啟蒙而引伸,由阿多諾 (Theodor Adorno) 跟馬格士 (Herbert Marcuse) 為首的法蘭克福學派,視文化為資本主義的產物。另外兩家則為葛蘭西 (Antonio Gramsci) 的霸權 (Hegemony) 理論主義,以及由涂爾幹 (Emile Durkheim) 的結構主義 (Structuralism) 所引伸的符號理論學。我,作為該 B 城文化研究小組的成員,主力研究城市內游走的邊緣分子,並其延伸的邊緣文化。由於我,對女性研究尤有興趣,把兩類邊緣分子列入研究範疇。其一為妓女。小組曾用風貌復修的方式將砵蘭街的舊樓,並其周圍的街道巷弄的面貌重現,以探討當年妓女謀生的方式,及其生活、工作環境。另一類邊緣分子,也就是我今天將要走訪的族群,我們姑且暫時將她們稱作P族以方便討論。P族基本上已經完全融入 B 城的日常生活,而 B 城人對於 P 族群也早已視為理所當然,甚至有人類學學者 (Dior,1996; Gucci, 1997) 曾指出,B 城人已經進入依賴 P 族的年代。P 族人出沒時分大多集中於星期一至五早上十時至十二時、下午四時至六時,及星期天中午十二時至下午六時。P 族人屬 B 城的其中一種新移民,惟異於來自舊地的新移民,或是來自世界各地的專業人士,她們大都處於從屬的不平等地位,然而據觀察所得,她們一直甘之若飴。P 族人的原居地位於 B 城以南約五百六十五公里,為一群島嶼,故有萬島之母的稱號。當地居住的P族人一向生活貧苦,或務農或捕魚為生。隨著現代社會的發展,當地的居民開始能夠接受教育,更有一部分精英分子得以跨越高等教育的門檻,成為工程師、護士等專業人士。然而值得注意的是,該批專業人士後來因不滿島上生活質素水平嚴重不足,以及薪酬福利長期偏低,逐漸往北部的城鎮遷徙,史稱為「P 族北進」 (P's northbound immigration)。B 城則為其中一座接受大量 P 族專業人士的城市。不過,該批專業人士由於專業資格及學歷無法受以知識型經濟聞名於世的 B 城所接納,唯有尋求較低層次的工作,例如打理家務。由於 B 城生活水平較 P 島為高,即使 P 族於 B 城任家務助理每月不過掙得B幣三四千元,仍然較 P 島上大部分職業為高,故此該批專業人士的經歷吸引大量 P 族人仿傚,大量湧入 B 城,進駐城內各家庭廚房旁的小房間,面積由如棺材般的十平方尺,至二百平方尺不等,視乎該家庭的經濟環境而定。星期日為 B城 P 族人的集體解放日,她們會盤踞 B 城的中心商業區,並於將該地原來的商業用途予以顛覆。借用法國學者迪雪圖 (Michel de Certeau) 的著作日常生活的實踐 (The Practice of Everyday Life) 中日常生活政治的理論,P族是在中心商業區這個地方 (place) 闢出了屬於她們的空間(space)。她們,作為從屬 (subordinate) 的弱者,運用游擊戰術 (tactics) 迎戰強者的政策 (strategies),不住在已有的文本與實際的架構中侵佔 (poaching),以及在系統中施展詭計。用褔柯 (Michel Foucault) 的理論來說,P族人聚集的皇帝廣場,其實是用作對抗的區域 (site of resistance),旨在顛覆強者,即B城政府原來為該地設定的用途。這個對抗模式,被稱為「弱者的政冶」 (politics of the weak). . .

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初夏的夜其實已經悶熱得很。周圍盡是侷促的空氣,但未如白晝那般酷熱,而是一種悶焗的氛圍一直往外擴張。拭一拭後頸近髮尾的位置,是一層薄薄的汗。原先他就如這座城市其他的人一樣躺在床上,安然進睡,或是,輾轉反側。太熱。怵然驚醒。褪去如外皮跟身子連於一起的被單,坐起來。可以想像床單裡會印著一個用汗水鋪張而成的人形。將被單捲成一團,隨意扔到床尾,彷如木乃伊撕開緊繃的泛黃紗布。木乃伊假若活生生地存在,褪下紗布以後他還剩下什麼,也許便是一無所有。如是的話木乃伊的存在就是建基於那看似纏繞的紗布。儘管那看來更像是一道束縛。紗布便是木乃伊,反之亦言。凝視床尾的被單,黑暗裡只餘下一陣虛影。忽爾聯想起暗紫色的胎盤,上面佈滿鮮粉紅色的斑點。又或是,被強行扯離子宮而尚未成型的,嬰。摸黑站起來,往窗邊走過去,稍稍掀開簾幕,瞥一下外面。外面傳來一道藍光。原來深夜的月亮會化成暗藍色,天空也染上陰森的顏色。朦朧之間他忽爾想起下午的課。總是在不自覺的情況下憶起毫不相關或重要的細細碎片。那文化青年提及,關於B城P族人的種種。為何他要將這個城亡稱作B城呢。又為何要將菲律賓人故作神秘的稱作P族人。他依稀記得有種文學手法稱作陌生法,旨在將原來熟悉不過的事物以陌生的文字包裝,從而提供一種嶄新的審視角度。他的用意又是否如此呢。關於菲傭,他馬上聯想起某年青作家於文學節的得獎作品,好像叫他和她的愛慾情事。內容牽涉青年對菲傭的性聯想,以及叫人瞠目結舌的性描寫場面。這種書寫手法,跟文化青年所提及菲傭於社會所處的弱勢地位又有否關連。他都不清楚。或者下堂導修課藉機發問一下吧。又為何該文化青年會將菲傭跟妓女相提並論,把兩者皆視為主流社會的邊緣份子呢。他總是覺得,兩者之間有著某種微妙的關係。
--by Kenny as 果 (同步見於 http://kennymysky.blogspot.com)


Music


You can play the song while reading my work. Thanks!

Originally from Kay Tse’s 〈菲情歌〉, this remix song is about the life of Filipino domestic helpers in Hong Kong. I remix the song by adding some extra elements to it, such as a self-introduction of a Filipino maid in Filipino maid agencies, some Filipino folk music, and a recording of their activities in Central on Sunday.

〈菲情歌〉歌詞
作曲、填詞、編曲:周博賢

昨晚依稀的感覺夢到你 一起沙灘中嬉戲
差點可伸手將你全包庇 那鐘聲分開我與你
開始一天的工作像機器 照顧棄嬰極疲憊
無邊的家居 須仔細地清理
每一餐匆匆要處理 到深宵才能停下喘一口氣
浮生偷得想你 和藹親切 體貼入微
相隔數千里 虛擬親親你 床鋪中假裝抱著你
明朝早不需告別你
丁方的空間給我來休憩 禁閉寄居極無味
同屋的都溝通不到像空氣 每一天堆積過怨氣
皇后像成為良伴開解心理
沉鬱中偷想你 和藹親切 體貼入微
相隔數千里 虛擬親親你 床舖中假裝抱著你
唯一肯聽聽我是你
容我偷偷想你 和藹親切 體貼入微
相隔數千里 虛擬親親你 床舖中假裝抱著你
無休止的想你 寧可跟你 跟你高飛
飛到片福地 樣樣事亦優美
再不會再不會受氣 那一天真可抱著你

Reflection
I decide not to sketch a Hong Kong person who permanently based here, but to write something about a passer-by who maintains a solid relationship with Hong Kong instead.

They are considered minority in this society, despite their large population. They are ubiquitous, yet mysterious; they are helpful, yet socially ostracized. Some of them, like whom I interviewed, have stayed here for even twenty years, but still unable to establish a Hong Kong identity. The person I interviewed is called Imelda, a Filipino maid.

I find myself hard to escape from the image of Filipino maids as "prostitutes", in particular the type of "prostitute" similar to the character Yan in Fruit Chan’s Durian Durian. I may seem to be discriminating but I have my reason. Yan is a prostitute from north-eastern China, who aims at earning as much money as possible during her 3-month stay in the territory, while Imelda, leaving her 11-year-old son alone in the Philippines, comes here solely to make money. A professional dancer, Yan comes to Hong Kong to work as a prostitute, which is regarded as violating moral and social norms, and is marginalized from mainstream society. Imelda, together with her friends, are all professionals graduated from college. Originally engineers in their home country, they chose to become nannies, ironically taking care of others’ children while leaving their own children at home, or to become domestic helpers, dealing with complicated housework because of the relatively higher salary here. Imelda insists that she has to work here until she has saved enough money for building a new house in her home country. Similarly, Yan is welcomed and envied by friends and relatives upon returning to north-eastern China, owing to the large amount of money earned at the expense of having a strong sense of loneliness and homelessness in Hong Kong. Imelda has the similar experience. As she said, she is thinking about her son every hour when she works, especially when she is taking care of the child of her host family, who is two years younger than her son. She chats with her son by phone at night every day, in order to deal with loneliness.

Prostitutes from mainland China and maids from the Philippines both are hit by the wave of globalization, characterized by the massive flow of people, ideas and desires. These passers-by, as outsiders, can help us to understand Hong Kong culture and identity from a different perspective. Just like how urban life in Hong Kong is portrayed as alienated and ruptured in Durian Durian. Imelda has stayed here since October 1989, despite living in Hong Kong for nearly twenty years and knowing how to cook different Chinese cuisines, she has never identified herself as Hongkongese, and has no interest of what is happening in the city. To Imelda, she is always the outsider, who deals with her sense of loneliness and homelessness simply by gathering with Filipino maids of similar background every Sunday, in an attempt to reconstruct their familiar environment in an unfamiliar place. In Imelda’s eyes, Hong Kong people are rather rude, though they are often well civilized and educated. She illustrates the point by telling an everyday example, "In the market, some Chinese women are impolite, suddenly pumping my arms, and getting away without even an 'Excuse me'.” Imelda thinks that her life in Hong Kong is quite tedious and routine, “I usually stay at the host family from Monday to Saturday, with only one to two hours out for buying food for lunch and dinner, and picking up the child from school. (What do you usually do on Sunday, then?) It’s boring, too. Just go to the church, then stay at Shatin Town Hall with my friends, and have some conversation with them. That’s all.” Because of the film Durian Durian, I asked Imelda if she has been to the Ocean Park. Unexpectedly, she has been there, yet long time ago, since the fare has become unaffordable. Despite the lack of sense of belonging, her sole purpose of working here is salient, “I want to earn as much as I can”, which impresses me a lot. Hong Kong people are often criticized as money-oriented and materialistic; however, our domestic helpers, owing to their financial difficulties, are even more money-minded, as they need money to build a house, or to send their children to school. Numerous Hong Kong families employ Filipino maids, live with them, yet most of them are unaware of their feelings and their stories, which is quite woeful. To understand what Hong Kong people are, it is extremely important to understand Filipino’s life in Hong Kong.


Filipino maids gather at the Shatin Town Hall on Sunday.


Photos together! The lady who wears glasses is Imelda, and her sister is on her left.

Kenny Chun-kan Leung is a a student from CLIT2065 Hong Kong Culture 2008-2009 second semester.

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